Shining Ugliness: A Catalogue of Fascist Bharat’s “Incredible” Crimes


By Carin Fischer , Washington, DC

“Lastly and most importantly for my present context in the US, closely watching RAW’s growing number of RSS and anti-Pakistan linked think tanks and advocacy groups in Washington, I am only just beginning to understand the challenge India’s hybrid war against Muslims, Kashmiris, Pakistan and others represents to all of us on every level and the need to strike back when and where it counts. Hindutva was always there from the very beginning of independent India. What is new is the ever-growing marriage of Hindutva Extremism with intelligence agencies and both acting in tandem to create havoc throughout the region and now in the West. And at the root of it is both a majoritarian and an expansionist philosophy envisioning a South Asia dominated by India and more specifically Hindus. It is a fictional historical claim not dissimilar to that of the Nazis who spoke of creating a Lebensraum for the German race, or the Zionists who use the bible as the moral justifications for expansion of territory. And nobody seems to care enough again.”

As many of you know, almost everything I share on panels like this one is based on what I have personally lived through and which has made me what I am today. That sometimes gives me a very different vocabulary, one that is often more emotional and often quite angry. This anger is often reflected when I meet with lawmakers and think tankers about their double standards in Washington. Most recently, I have been handing out a brochure created by IPRI and called “Shining Ugliness: A Catalogue of Fascist Bharat’s “Incredible” Crimes. It is an excellent compilation of Modi India’s dirty deeds and one everybody must see. I believe it is time for everybody to get as angry as I have been for years.

Therefore today I must talk about the growing threat of Hindutva Extremism and how it has promoted discord and conflicts in South Asia and affected countries. I have been trying to wrap myself around this topic for the past two days because it is so crucial to talk about it now and especially in the context of Kashmir which has been the experimental lab for other places India is currently coveting. I am of course speaking in the backdrop of the recent inauguration of the Babri Ram temple. The destruction of the centuries old mosque by Hindutva zealots which caused the death of thousands of Muslims in the ensuing riots. Now it appears that 9 more mosques are already on the radar of the RSS, and evidence is being collected that the sites had also been Hindu temples. In Kashmir there is now talk about the Shah-e-Hamadan Masjid and paintings of an ancient temple on that site have already been circulated.

I moved to India shortly after 9/11. I had opposed the War on Terror, and I felt it was as good a time as any to say Goodbye to the US. Over the years, the same impressions India has been creating about itself in the West had led me to believe that I was going to be safe ideologically from what was unfolding in many other parts of the world. I had fully bought the story of it being a secular democracy, based on Gandhian philosophy, and meaning no harm to anybody, neither friend nor foe. I of course knew very little about internal or regional conflicts at the time. I had also blissfully ignored some early signs of Hindutva mobilization amongst the Indian diaspora in the US while raising money for the BJP.

It was a crude shock for me upon arrival to find an India that had just dispatched most of its troops towards the border with Pakistan in the wake of the Parliament attack. Shrill, patriotic, and war mongering frenzy was surrounding me everywhere with crowds  hoping India’s nuclear arsenal would finally teach Pakistan a lesson. Of course the same happened after Pulwama which led to the Balakot attack inside Pakistan. It was impossible to ignore the strong communal undertones in the ranting and raving. Meanwhile, many of us were questioning the true intent behind the Parliament attack with some suggesting that it may have been orchestrated by Indian agencies so India could formally join the War on Terror.

Then I traveled to Gujarat while finishing up some work I had worked on before I left the US. There I witnessed genocidal conditions after communal riots had broken out and thousands were slaughtered by Hindutva zealots with Modi at the helm. It was very much the way I had always imagined the Kristallnacht in Germany which of course was the beginning of the Holocaust and the extermination of almost all of Europe’s Jews. This is something Hindutva zealots and the RSS never tire to describe as “the Germans having had the right idea,” but of course meaning Muslims and not Jews.  To this day I will never be able to accept that one of the architects of the gruesome pogrom is the much-coveted Prime Minister of a country that is now a strategic partner of the US.

This was also the first time that I felt this all-pervasive anger in the streets of India. The anger that gets suppressed for short periods of time only to explode at the slightest of triggers, and often ending in communal riots of one sort or another. I witnessed this anger day after day in the neighborhood I lived in, whether it was directed towards Dalits, Muslims, people from the Northeast, or even animals. Often the anger turned into rape, committed by gangs of young men, and this is something most foreign and all Indian women feared whenever out at night or moving about in more deserted places.

Later while working on tribal issues in Assam, I saw how the RSS had spread out everywhere, attempting to convince tribals, who were mostly Buddhists, that they had actually been Hindus all along.  There I first saw demographic change systematically planned and implemented by the Indian State and its agencies. In predominantly tribal areas where Schedule 6 of the Constitution had guaranteed tribal autonomy, Nepalis who had served in the Indian Army were resettled in huge numbers so the districts would no longer meet the demographic thresholds to be considered tribal majority. Of course throughout Assam and other parts of the Northeast religious hatred towards Muslims was constantly being stirred up, with all Muslims being portrayed as illegals from Bangladesh, and most recently leading to the segregation of Muslims and others considered foreigners in concentration camps built for those not able to prove their citizenship. Meanwhile Hindutva zealots, the RSS, and religious hatred increasingly reign supreme in an Assam and most recently Manipur two places that used to be proud of its own language, unique culture, and diversity.

Deeply disturbed by the true nature of the Hindu state in so many different parts of India, I had grown much disenchanted with the country long before moving to Kashmir. There of course I lived through ten years of absolute terror committed on the people by the Indian state, a communalized army, and the military occupation. Most of you know about the atrocities being committed there because they have now been relatively well documented by activists, and because Pakistan has been speaking about the human rights violations at every possible forum for years. I could talk for several days about what I witnessed personally, and some of the people I knew who have been killed or tortured. All of it has been going on for decades, but for much of the past it had raged as more of a political than a religious dispute.

The nature of the dispute changed completely when the BJP under Modi came to power both in Delhi and in IIOJK in 2014. All over sudden the lives of Kashmir Muslims were no longer worth preserving under any circumstances. And this is an important point to make. With Modi assuming power and with such a majority of the vote, it was not only a government having changed. It was an entire nation becoming fueled by lethal Hindu majoritarian aspirations, almost from one day to the next. It was the ordinary people, like it had been ordinary people in Gujarat, who were now baying for the blood of Kashmiris.

It was everywhere, on television, in print editorials, and in the behavior of troops on the streets of Kashmir. Pakistan was no longer just a troubled neighbor but a place that needed to be defeated once and for all, so that Akhand Bharat spanning every nook and corner of the entire subcontinent could be restored. Kashmiris were attacked throughout India, Muslims were lynched at the mere suspicion of having slaughtered a cow, Hindutva terrorists were released from prison with some being elected to Parliament. It felt like a deadly Saffron tidal wave.

In Jammu which had already become radicalized and heavily dominated by the RSS since the uprisings of 2008, Hindutva flag marches through neighborhoods with majority Muslim populations were organized. The marchers were fully armed with swords and trishuls. And of course the history books were being rewritten, describing the Valley of Kashmir as the original abode of Hindus with Muslims being nothing but an aberration.

All of it finally culminated in the illegal annexation of Kashmir by India in August of 2019 and the abrogation of articles that had guaranteed at least some measure of autonomy for the Kashmiris. Most importantly it afforded some protection for their religious and ethnic identities. Now we were witnessing the implementation of new land laws aimed to accelerate ethnic flooding by Hindus and more than likely resulting in Muslims of the region becoming a minority. This of course had already been successfully done once in Jammu in 1947 when the Maharaja’s troops and Hindu fanatics slaughtered up to two hundred thousand of Jammu’s Muslims and drove out just as many, making it a Hindu majority region. Today it is being done through administrative action instead of slaughter.

How then could Pakistan, a legal stakeholder in the Kashmir dispute, ever be unaffected and remain uninvolved? After unilaterally altering the entire region by turning the former state of Kashmir into Union Territories directly ruled by Delhi, even China reacted militarily to protect its interests from an expansionist India that feels no longer bound by any bilateral agreements. Disturbingly, night after night, Indian channels debate the need for India to take over Azad Kashmir and Gilgit Baltistan, both of which India claims as its own territory per a parliamentary act. And the entire Hindu nation is cheering on a government that promises that it will conquer what belongs to India at the earliest, with defense analysts and generals saying the army is merely waiting for the orders.

And now comes the detailed dossier prepared by Pakistan and proving India’s sponsorship of terrorist activities inside its country and most recently in Canada and the US. Anybody having lived in India and especially Kashmir and following the activities of Indian agencies throughout the region would never ever doubt any of what has been presented in the report. After years of witnessing what these agencies are capable of in Kashmir and then blaming it all on its neighbor in its never-ending propaganda war against Pakistan, there is no doubt in my mind that all of it and much more is the absolute truth.

Lastly and most importantly for my present context in the US, closely watching RAW’s growing number of RSS and anti-Pakistan linked think tanks and advocacy groups in Washington, I am only just beginning to understand the challenge India’s hybrid war against Muslims, Kashmiris, Pakistan and others represents to all of us on every level and the need to strike back when and where it counts.

Hindutva was always there from the very beginning of independent India. What is new is the ever-growing marriage of Hindutva Extremism with intelligence agencies and both acting in tandem to create havoc throughout the region and now in the West. And at the root of it is both a majoritarian and an expansionist philosophy envisioning a South Asia dominated by India and more specifically Hindus. It is a fictional historical claim not dissimilar to that of the Nazis who spoke of creating a Lebensraum for the German race, or the Zionists who use the bible as the moral justifications for expansion of territory. And nobody seems to care enough again.

With all this in mind, I feel the time for trying to strike a balance while speaking about regional tensions and the Kashmir dispute is gone. In fact, it seems unconscionable to me when South Asia Departments in Washington are trying to do that. There is a right and a wrong, and one must choose. Watching what is happening in India and Kashmir silently or without intervening is criminally enabling.

I urge Pakistani and Kashmiri activists to keep compiling facts and figures for all of us to use so we can present the correct narratives about India to the world. Too much of the history of the region was written by the occupier and those drunk on Hindutva supremacy fantasies. It needs to be exposed and stopped now.

Thank you.

 By Carin Fischer
Director Kashmir Action Network and Chinar Consulting, Washington, DC)

Kashmir Solidarity Day Speech February 2024

Speech Kashmir Solidarity Day Feb 2024

As-Salaam-Alaikum friends and colleagues. Thank you for asking me to participate on this panel. I feel extremely honored to be here.

As many of you know, almost everything I share on panels like this one is based on what I have personally lived through and which has made me what I am today. That sometimes gives me a very different vocabulary, one that is often more emotional and often quite angry. This anger is often reflected when I meet with lawmakers and think tankers about their double standards in Washington. Most recently, I have been handing out a brochure created by IPRI and called “Shining Ugliness: A Catalogue of Fascist Bharat’s “Incredible” Crimes. It is an excellent compilation of Modi India’s dirty deeds and one everybody must see. I believe it is time for everybody to get as angry as I have been for years.

Therefore today I must talk about the growing threat of Hindutva Extremism and how it has promoted discord and conflicts in South Asia and affected countries. I have been trying to wrap myself around this topic for the past two days because it is so crucial to talk about it now and especially in the context of Kashmir which has been the experimental lab for other places India is currently coveting. I am of course speaking in the backdrop of the recent inauguration of the Babri Ram temple. The destruction of the centuries old mosque by Hindutva zealots which caused the death of thousands of Muslims in the ensuing riots. Now it appears that 9 more mosques are already on the radar of the RSS, and evidence is being collected that the sites had also been Hindu temples. In Kashmir there is now talk about the Shah-e-Hamadan Masjid and paintings of an ancient temple on that site have already been circulated.

I moved to India shortly after 9/11. I had opposed the War on Terror, and I felt it was as good a time as any to say Goodbye to the US. Over the years, the same impressions India has been creating about itself in the West had led me to believe that I was going to be safe ideologically from what was unfolding in many other parts of the world. I had fully bought the story of it being a secular democracy, based on Gandhian philosophy, and meaning no harm to anybody, neither friend nor foe. I of course knew very little about internal or regional conflicts at the time. I had also blissfully ignored some early signs of Hindutva mobilization amongst the Indian diaspora in the US while raising money for the BJP.

It was a crude shock for me upon arrival to find an India that had just dispatched most of its troops towards the border with Pakistan in the wake of the Parliament attack. Shrill, patriotic, and war mongering frenzy was surrounding me everywhere with crowds  hoping India’s nuclear arsenal would finally teach Pakistan a lesson. Of course the same happened after Pulwama which led to the Balakot attack inside Pakistan. It was impossible to ignore the strong communal undertones in the ranting and raving. Meanwhile, many of us were questioning the true intent behind the Parliament attack with some suggesting that it may have been orchestrated by Indian agencies so India could formally join the War on Terror.

Then I traveled to Gujarat while finishing up some work I had worked on before I left the US. There I witnessed genocidal conditions after communal riots had broken out and thousands were slaughtered by Hindutva zealots with Modi at the helm. It was very much the way I had always imagined the Kristallnacht in Germany which of course was the beginning of the Holocaust and the extermination of almost all of Europe’s Jews. This is something Hindutva zealots and the RSS never tire to describe as “the Germans having had the right idea,” but of course meaning Muslims and not Jews.  To this day I will never be able to accept that one of the architects of the gruesome pogrom is the much-coveted Prime Minister of a country that is now a strategic partner of the US.

This was also the first time that I felt this all-pervasive anger in the streets of India. The anger that gets suppressed for short periods of time only to explode at the slightest of triggers, and often ending in communal riots of one sort or another. I witnessed this anger day after day in the neighborhood I lived in, whether it was directed towards Dalits, Muslims, people from the Northeast, or even animals. Often the anger turned into rape, committed by gangs of young men, and this is something most foreign and all Indian women feared whenever out at night or moving about in more deserted places.

Later while working on tribal issues in Assam, I saw how the RSS had spread out everywhere, attempting to convince tribals, who were mostly Buddhists, that they had actually been Hindus all along.  There I first saw demographic change systematically planned and implemented by the Indian State and its agencies. In predominantly tribal areas where Schedule 6 of the Constitution had guaranteed tribal autonomy, Nepalis who had served in the Indian Army were resettled in huge numbers so the districts would no longer meet the demographic thresholds to be considered tribal majority. Of course throughout Assam and other parts of the Northeast religious hatred towards Muslims was constantly being stirred up, with all Muslims being portrayed as illegals from Bangladesh, and most recently leading to the segregation of Muslims and others considered foreigners in concentration camps built for those not able to prove their citizenship. Meanwhile Hindutva zealots, the RSS, and religious hatred increasingly reign supreme in an Assam and most recently Manipur two places that used to be proud of its own language, unique culture, and diversity.

Deeply disturbed by the true nature of the Hindu state in so many different parts of India, I had grown much disenchanted with the country long before moving to Kashmir. There of course I lived through ten years of absolute terror committed on the people by the Indian state, a communalized army, and the military occupation. Most of you know about the atrocities being committed there because they have now been relatively well documented by activists, and because Pakistan has been speaking about the human rights violations at every possible forum for years. I could talk for several days about what I witnessed personally, and some of the people I knew who have been killed or tortured. All of it has been going on for decades, but for much of the past it had raged as more of a political than a religious dispute.

The nature of the dispute changed completely when the BJP under Modi came to power both in Delhi and in IIOJK in 2014. All over sudden the lives of Kashmir Muslims were no longer worth preserving under any circumstances. And this is an important point to make. With Modi assuming power and with such a majority of the vote, it was not only a government having changed. It was an entire nation becoming fueled by lethal Hindu majoritarian aspirations, almost from one day to the next. It was the ordinary people, like it had been ordinary people in Gujarat, who were now baying for the blood of Kashmiris. It was everywhere, on television, in print editorials, and in the behavior of troops on the streets of Kashmir. Pakistan was no longer just a troubled neighbor but a place that needed to be defeated once and for all, so that Akhand Bharat spanning every nook and corner of the entire subcontinent could be restored. Kashmiris were attacked throughout India, Muslims were lynched at the mere suspicion of having slaughtered a cow, Hindutva terrorists were released from prison with some being elected to Parliament. It felt like a deadly Saffron tidal wave. In Jammu which had already become radicalized and heavily dominated by the RSS since the uprisings of 2008, Hindutva flag marches through neighborhoods with majority Muslim populations were organized. The marchers were fully armed with swords and trishuls. And of course the history books were being rewritten, describing the Valley of Kashmir as the original abode of Hindus with Muslims being nothing but an aberration.

All of it finally culminated in the illegal annexation of Kashmir by India in August of 2019 and the abrogation of articles that had guaranteed at least some measure of autonomy for the Kashmiris. Most importantly it afforded some protection for their religious and ethnic identities. Now we were witnessing the implementation of new land laws aimed to accelerate ethnic flooding by Hindus and more than likely resulting in Muslims of the region becoming a minority. This of course had already been successfully done once in Jammu in 1947 when the Maharaja’s troops and Hindu fanatics slaughtered up to two hundred thousand of Jammu’s Muslims and drove out just as many, making it a Hindu majority region. Today it is being done through administrative action instead of slaughter.

How then could Pakistan, a legal stakeholder in the Kashmir dispute, ever be unaffected and remain uninvolved? After unilaterally altering the entire region by turning the former state of Kashmir into Union Territories directly ruled by Delhi, even China reacted militarily to protect its interests from an expansionist India that feels no longer bound by any bilateral agreements. Disturbingly, night after night, Indian channels debate the need for India to take over Azad Kashmir and Gilgit Baltistan, both of which India claims as its own territory per a parliamentary act. And the entire Hindu nation is cheering on a government that promises that it will conquer what belongs to India at the earliest, with defense analysts and generals saying the army is merely waiting for the orders.

And now comes the detailed dossier prepared by Pakistan and proving India’s sponsorship of terrorist activities inside its country and most recently in Canada and the US. Anybody having lived in India and especially Kashmir and following the activities of Indian agencies throughout the region would never ever doubt any of what has been presented in the report. After years of witnessing what these agencies are capable of in Kashmir and then blaming it all on its neighbor in its never-ending propaganda war against Pakistan, there is no doubt in my mind that all of it and much more is the absolute truth.

Lastly and most importantly for my present context in the US, closely watching RAW’s growing number of RSS and anti-Pakistan linked think tanks and advocacy groups in Washington, I am only just beginning to understand the challenge India’s hybrid war against Muslims, Kashmiris, Pakistan and others represents to all of us on every level and the need to strike back when and where it counts.

Hindutva was always there from the very beginning of independent India. What is new is the ever-growing marriage of Hindutva Extremism with intelligence agencies and both acting in tandem to create havoc throughout the region and now in the West. And at the root of it is both a majoritarian and an expansionist philosophy envisioning a South Asia dominated by India and more specifically Hindus. It is a fictional historical claim not dissimilar to that of the Nazis who spoke of creating a Lebensraum for the German race, or the Zionists who use the bible as the moral justifications for expansion of territory. And nobody seems to care enough again.

With all this in mind, I feel the time for trying to strike a balance while speaking about regional tensions and the Kashmir dispute is gone. In fact, it seems unconscionable to me when South Asia Departments in Washington are trying to do that. There is a right and a wrong, and one must choose. Watching what is happening in India and Kashmir silently or without intervening is criminally enabling.

I urge Pakistani and Kashmiri activists to keep compiling facts and figures for all of us to use so we can present the correct narratives about India to the world. Too much of the history of the region was written by the occupier and those drunk on Hindutva supremacy fantasies. It needs to be exposed and stopped now.

Thank you.

Speech at Pakistan Consulate in NY on Kashmir Black Day October 27, 2023


As-Salaam-Alaikum from DC and a special welcome to Aamer Ahmed Atozai whom I
am looking forward to meet in person soon.


 Last month, I attended an event at GWU called “1st Annual Convention on
Forgotten Genocides.” It was hosted by the International Commission for Human
Rights and Religious Freedom which is led by members of the Indian American
extreme Hindu right.
 The organization is well funded by the RSS and the Indian diaspora. Several
Kashmiri Hindus co-moderated the event. One leading participant has an
organization called HinduAction. He and several Kashmiri Pandits attacked me
once on the street after a Kashmir event at the Middle East Institute where
Masood Khan was the main guest.
 He spoke about the genocide of Kashmiri Hindus and how Kashmir would never
be able to reclaim its ancient Bharat glory until Hindu majority was “restored” in
both regions and not just Jammu.
 He also spoke about the 1971 Civil War in East Pakistan and how his group was
lobbying to have it declared a genocide of Hindus committed by Pakistan.
 Other genocides discussed were the alleged Armenian Genocide in Turkey, the
current situation of Armenians in Azerbaijan, and alleged ethnic cleansing of
Kurds by Turkey.
 There were no Kashmiri Muslims or any other Muslim groups invited. Hindutva
lobbies, Armenians, Bangladeshi Hindus, and most recently anti-Palestinian
Zionists have formed a powerful lobbying coalition in DC.
 I want to talk about this today because at every Kashmir event we talk about the
crimes against humanity in the Valley which of course have been happening
unabated for decades. But few ever talk about Jammu and its own sordid history.
 As we have just celebrated the 76 th Anniversary of the creation of AJK, it is
crucial to remember what happened in the past since many of AJK’s founding
fathers were Muslim refugees from the Jammu region.
 Having lived in the Valley and having visited AJK, I cannot stress enough the
difference between the two, and that we all must appreciate the rights people
have on the Pakistan side. Here it goes:
Jammu Genocide: The Forgotten Human Carnage
 In 1992, Bosnian soldiers stormed Srebrenica where over 40,000 people had
sought shelter from the raging war in the region. About 23,000 Muslim women
and children were deported in 30 hours, and 8,372 innocent Bosnian Muslim men
and boys were mercilessly murdered. The ‘Srebrenica massacre’ is widely
acknowledged as the biggest war crime perpetrated on European soil since WW
II, for which Ratko Mladic, the “Butcher of Bosnia”, was convicted by an
international war crimes tribunal for crimes that were “amongst the most heinous
known to humankind”.

 What is completely forgotten by genocide scholars is that Jammu & Kashmir had
witnessed the worst human carnage long before the ‘Srebrenica massacre.
 In November 1947, thousands of Muslims were killed in what is commonly known
as the ‘Jammu genocide’ by paramilitaries led by the army of Dogra ruler Hari
Singh and aided by the RSS. The death toll in this genocide was 28 times higher
than in Srebrenica.
 This pre-planned ethnic cleansing was carried out to secure an area bigger than
Bosnia, Croatia, and Serbia put together for India.
 The Times of London reported then that “237,000 Muslims were systematically
exterminated by the forces of the Dogra State headed by the Maharaja in person
and aided by Hindus and Sikhs. This happened in October 1947, five days before
the Pathan invasion and nine days before the Maharaja’s accession to India.”
 Muslim subjects from different parts of Jammu were forcibly displaced by the
Dogra Army in a pogrom carried out over three weeks between October-
November 1947.
 The massacre of more than two lakh Muslims was state-sponsored and state-
supported. The forces from Patiala Punjab were called in; the RSS was brought
to communalize the situation and kill Muslims,” wrote PG Rasool, author of ‘The
Historical Reality of the Kashmir Dispute’.
 Late Ved Bhasin, a renowned journalist from Jammu, experienced first-hand the
large-scale killing of Muslims by communal marauders throughout Udhampur
district and even in Bhaderwah.
 According to Bhasin, the RSS played a key role in these killings. Muslims were
also massacred in Chhamb, Deva Batala, Manawsar and other parts of Akhnoor.
 In Kathua district, there was large-scale killing of Muslims and reports of women
being raped and abducted.
 Terrible carnage took place later when the Muslims of the Talab Khatikan area
were asked to surrender. They were shifted to the police lines at Jogi Gate,
where the Delhi Public School is now situated. Instead of providing them with
security, the administration encouraged them to go to Pakistan for safety.
 The first batch of several thousand of these Muslims was then loaded in about 60
lorries to take them to Sialkot. Unaware of what was going to happen, these
families boarded the buses. Troops escorted the vehicles. However, when they
reached the outskirts of Chattha on the Jammu-Sialkot road, a large posse of
armed RSS cadre and Sikh Muslims pulled the Muslims out of the vehicles and
killed them mercilessly, with the soldiers either joining in or looking on as idle
spectators. The news about the massacre was kept a closely guarded secret.
 The next day another batch of Muslim families was similarly boarded into
vehicles only to meet the same fate. Those who somehow managed to escape
reached Sialkot to narrate the horrific tale.
 Bhasin recalled an incident where Mehr Chand Mahajan, the Maharaja’s Prime
Minister of JK, told a delegation of Hindus who met him in Jammu to demand parity with Muslims. One of them asked him how they could demand parity when
there was so much difference in the population ratio.
 Pointing to a pile of Muslim bodies he said, “The population ratio too can
change”.
 As a result of this planned ethnic cleansing, Muslims who had been a majority
(61 per cent) in the Jammu region became a minority.
 The Jammu massacre was undoubtedly a long-planned event. The coordination
of the State forces with the RSS and forces from Patiala clearly point towards
coordination at the highest levels in India.
 The third generation of refugees in AJK still lives under the shadows of the 1947
genocide and the sense of deprivation vis-a-vis their homeland of Jammu. The
Indian-sponsored propaganda machine continues to highlight the right of
Kashmir Hindus to return to their homeland after their alleged forced migrations
but does not mention a word about the right of Jammu massacre victims to return
to their ancestral properties and the graves of their forefathers.
 After the genocide in Jammu 76 years ago, the Indian government is now
executing a similar pattern through settler colonialism in IIOJK. Since Aug 5,
2019, they have normalized a settler colonial project by uttering in a massive
changes in the constitution and other laws which have paved the way for non-
Kashmiris to settle, buy land, and seek jobs in Muslim majority regions of the
former state.
 Meanwhile, the crimes against humanity committed in Jammu in 1947 still await
an independent and impartial international probe to reveal the actual loss of lives,
the number of rapes, the quantum of torture, the number of plundered properties
and their present status, and the number of refugees to measure the real
miseries and sufferings faced by the Muslims of Jammu.
Why is this still important today?
 The 76th anniversary of AJK’s founding day was just celebrated on October 24.
Meanwhile, in IIOJK, the governor reiterated what India’s Defense Minister
Rajnath Singh keeps saying: that the Indian government’s northward journey will
only be complete after incorporating AJK and GB and restoring to India all of
Jammu and Kashmir’s boundaries to those once enjoyed by the Dogra State.
 India says both AJK and GB are part of Indian territory, and Delhi has been
demanding that Pakistan vacate it. India says under Modi it would finally
implement the resolution declaring AJK and GB Indian territory passed
unanimously by India’s Parliament in 1994. Most Hindus in Jammu support this.
 Among other things, the coalition of Hindutva and other anti-Muslim lobbies in the
US has begun advocating this as the final solution to the Kashmir Dispute.
 Farfetched, you may think. But that is what most of us thought about the
abrogation of Article 370 in August of 2019.

 It is imperative that all of us never lose our eyes on the ball which is to
consistently advocate the Right to Self Determination of the Kashmiri people,
including of the Muslims refugees of Jammu and their families who were forced
to leave their homeland in 1947.
 And like the Hindutva lobbies have already done here in DC, I urge all of you to
reach out to other communities who have suffered like the Kashmiris or
sometimes even worse and would be willing to join our advocacy efforts.
 This may include Turkish diplomats, Black Lives Matter, and Freedom for
Palestine lobbying groups, among others. Many marched with us in 2019 when
we had huge protests in DC and NY and hearings in Congress.
 Let’s learn from what the Hindutva groups are doing and stop sitting in our silos.
Many Kashmiris say that only Kashmiris should speak for Kashmiris. I disagree.
Democracy is a number game and we desperately need to increase ours.
Today, I wanted to especially thank my close friend Madiha Shakil Khan from
Rawalakot who lectures at Muzaffarabad and has written extensively about the
Jammu massacre. She provided many of the details. She has not only been
my eyes and ears but is a never-ending inspiration for me. She told me earlier
this week:
 “The current movement in AJK began with protests over electricity bills and inflation.
These were sensitive governance matters that various sub-nationalist groups started
rallying against. To support these protests, funding was required, and individuals
with connections to “RAW” stepped in. They managed to give this “movement” a
higher profile than necessary. Additionally, some nationalist groups also began
working to undermine Pakistan through this movement.
 News about the actions of these nationalists has been circulating on Indian media.
However, this does not mean people from AJK are voicing anti-Pakistan sentiments;
it is the result of Indian funds working behind the scenes. People residing outside
AJK engage in activities aimed at tarnishing Pakistan’s image globally. They use this
protest at the UNHRC to say people are turning against Pakistan. While it’s true that
inflation has significantly increased, this issue is not unique to Pakistan; it’s a global
concern, as evidenced by the statistics.”


Thank you so much for having me here.

Speech at the Pakistan Consulate in NYC at the Aug 5 Anniversary Event on August 4 2023

Thank you for having me here again and As-Salaam-Alaikum.

As the last time, I will not be speaking about past human rights violations in Kashmir which of course have been horrific and have remained unpunished to this day. There is much literature on the subject, and thankfully many activists continue to highlight these atrocities in many international forums, making sure the victims are not forgotten. Just last spring I spoke at the University of Muzaffarabad about what I personally witnessed in Kashmir.

Today again I would like to describe the current situation and the complete absence of CIVIL AND POLITICAL RIGHTS in the Valley which has dehumanized and traumatized Kashmiris to such a degree that they are now mere shadows of themselves. A Valley of Zombies it has become. The changes in Kashmir have left people in deep distress, dilemma, disempowered and completely dispossessed. As Anuradha Basin describes it in her book “The Dismantled State,” Kashmir has been turned into a “giant prison” with people trapped inside like “mice in mousetraps”. She explains in detail the use of harassment, intimidation, detention, humiliation, raids, molestations, and psychological traumatization to prevent a law-and-order situation. The institutionalization of fear, she writes, makes protesting or any other form of dissent impossible.

Consider this:

•           Since the illegal annexation of Kashmir on August 5 of 2019, the Indian State has assumed complete control over all information, absolute control over the internet, total control over media, control over internal propaganda and all external disinformation campaigns.

•           It has placed even larger numbers of security forces and local informants in every nook and corner of the Valley, making it impossible for Kashmiris to trust anybody and forcing them to stay at home even without curfew, out of fear for saying the wrong thing anywhere to somebody who might turn them in to the authorities. Prisons are filled to the brim and people across ideologies, parties and classes are made to sign a bond to walk out on a promise of good behavior. The pro Freedom leadership stands arrested and the Hurriyat office has just been repossessed by the state.

•           The Indian State is all powerful and cannot be resisted because it  has the gun and the power to arrest anybody under draconian laws. Like in Nazi Germany in the 30s and 40s, these are the semantics of total speech control, total thought control and ultimately total behavior control. And in many ways, it is much worse than the human rights violations committed in the past. Many of them were part of a civil war like struggle, and the people were expressing their will while fighting. Now the control over the  people is so absolute that this will has been crushed and with it their ability to resist.

•           On Indian media, there is constant force-feeding of a steady diet of lies presented to the world at large. Normalcy has returned to the Valley and Kashmiris are liking it, India says. To support this claim, it has hired smart propagandists, some even foreign, to paint the wrong picture of the situation. It has produced films like “The Kashmir Files,” which portray Kashmiris as blood- thirsty Islamist terrorists killing all others and especially non-Muslims in their way with the help of Pakistan. There was  a much circulated article by a fellow of the American Enterprise Institute about the “new normalcy” in Kashmir, and how Kashmiris are enjoying their new path to peace and development and total integration with India. While researching his piece, he was housed by the Indian army in Srinagar, and his local guides were collaborators trained and funded by Indian agencies.

•           Meanwhile, all other journalists or visitors who might be able to report the truth are being kept out, and visas are no longer possible to obtain by any outsider planning to assess the real situation. Much of the Kashmiri diaspora has been silenced for fear of their relatives at home being harassed or arrested by the police. This happened to Danielle Khan who has been working with me. Her Kashmiri husband’s Indian passport has now been reported as “lost,” which is one way for the authorities to make travel impossible for Kashmiris. He does not have his American citizenship yet and is now stuck without being able to visit his family back home. There are more reports of passports of many local journalists being canceled as a time-tested draconian measure to stop them from talking and writing. Last week at least 10 Kashmiris, including academics, students, and journalists, were notified their passports had been suspended. This includes a close friend and former journalist who has been pursuing a master’s in creative writing at Cornell and now cannot finish his program. The list is expected to grow in the coming days.

•           In February , a close journalist friend from the Valley called me after having spent several days in detention for simply knowing me! It followed a new dossier that the JK Police and the Indian State produced against some of us because of our links to Pakistan. They labeled us Pakistan sponsored “handlers” of terrorists in the Valley and directing violence by militants. My friend used to run an online news portal which I helped edit. It was a vehicle for the young to write their hearts out about their resistance to India. Fortunately, he was released but he no longer believes that anybody outside is willing to come to the aid of Kashmiris. I have never heard him being so despondent.

  • This week there is a report in The Wire that Ajit Doval, the Indian NSA,  is seeking support from the rulers of the UAE to exert pressure on Pakistan not to retaliate when Indian troops enter Azad Kashmir. A temporary stay is planned, with the aim of achieving another electoral victory for Modi in 2024. This report is based on a statement of the former Governor of IIOJK, a member of the BJP who was in charge of Kashmir on August 5, 2019. It is something I have been warning about for many months.
  • In addition to the bogus redistricting of constituencies that was completed early this year and heavily favors Hindu majority Jammu, Delhi is now planning to map Azad Kashmir and GB for legislative representation on the Indian side! It will also include seats in the Indian Parliament for those regions. RAW supported activists from AJK are helping with the process.
  • Demographic changes are in full swing under the guise of poverty alleviation for landless Indians who are being settled in Kashmir.   

All of the above is of course only Act 1 in a sordid play in which India was seen hosting the tourism segment of the G20 meeting in Srinagar earlier this year. That was a perfectly choreographed chapter of Indian occupation pornography possible only after the place was completely sanitized of ordinary Kashmiris who were forced to stay indoors. The next and perhaps final act will be occupying Azad Kashmir and GB.

And this is why I am speaking to you today. I am speaking to ask you again to help us raise awareness about the real situation in the Valley and urge lawmakers to stop turning a blind eye to the dangers India’s settler colonial actions are presenting for the entire region. To that end:

•           The diaspora must get the message out about the inhuman conditions under which Kashmiris are forced to live. They must talk about the total absence of civil and political rights of any kind, and the continued human rights violations if anybody dares to speak up or resist.

•           The US in particular cares about civil rights, much more than human rights. It is a language they understand from their own history. It is why our appeals to hold hearings about Kashmir succeeded in the fall of 2019.

•           Help us point out how the Kashmir dispute is still an international one, a recognized legal dispute involving Pakistan and the Kashmiri people. The dispute has not been solved and normalcy has not returned and no amount of Indian propaganda will make it so.  

•           Help us explain how an already intolerable situation has become even worse and foreign diplomats brought in by India will not experience the real conditions.. During every high-level visit to Kashmir, frisking and arrests begin weeks before and  people are  harassed both inside and outside their houses and their movements are severely restricted. The upcoming Independence Day in IIOJK will trigger the same lockdown again while people are being forced to fly the Indian flag from their homes.  

•           Organize seminars around the issues so people can talk about Pakistan’s and the Kashmiris’ legal position in-depth and how the positions have not changed. 

•           Help us sustain an effective social media campaign. Tag lawmakers, the State Department, Human Rights Organizations, and Foreign Ministries.

•           Do anything except be silent. We can speak up, organize, mobilize, and demand truth and justice for IIOJK unlike Kashmiris who no longer have the opportunity to do so. They depend on us to be their voice.

And one more thing:

  • Some have been likening the current political instability in Pakistan to what has happened in IIOJK. This really offends me! There is no genocide in the making in Pakistan! Over 100,000 Kashmiris have been killed since 1989. There were mass rapes, mass disappearances and mass graves. Thousands and thousands have been in jail with no possibility of being released. And now nobody can say anything any longer about anything or go on YouTube or Twitter  to express dissent. It does not compare at all! One issue is really about human rights. The other about civil and political rights which can be restored through elections. Know the difference! In Kashmir, elections are not the objective and justice may never come!

Thank you very much!

Speech at Kashmir Solidarity Event at the Pakistan Consulate in NY, February 3, 2023

Thank you for having me here and As-Salaam-Alaikum.

Today I will not be speaking about past human rights violations in Kashmir which of course have been horrific and have remained unpunished to this day. There is much literature on the subject, and thankfully activists continue to highlight the atrocities all the time, making sure the victims are not forgotten. Just a couple of weeks ago I spoke at the University of Muzaffarabad about what I witnessed in Kashmir.

Instead, today I would like to describe the current situation and the complete absence of CIVIL RIGHTS in the Valley which has dehumanized and traumatized Kashmiris to such a degree that they are now mere shadows of themselves. A Valley of Zombies it has become. The changes in Kashmir have left people in deep distress, dilemma, disempowered and completely dispossessed. As Anuradha Basin describes it in her new book “The Dismantled State,” Kashmir has been turned into a “giant prison” with people trapped inside like “mice in mousetraps”. She explains in detail the use of harassment, intimidation, detention, humiliation, raids, molestations and psychological traumatization to prevent a law-and-order situation. The institutionalization of fear, she writes, makes protesting impossible.

Consider this:

  • Since the illegal annexation of Kashmir in August of 2029, the Indian State has assumed complete control over all information, absolute control over the internet, total control over media, control over internal propaganda and all external disinformation campaigns.
  • It has placed even larger numbers of security forces and local informants in every nook and corner of the Valley, making it impossible for Kashmiris to trust anybody and forcing them to stay at home even without curfew, out of fear for saying the wrong thing anywhere to somebody who might turn them in to the authorities. Prisons are filled to the brim and people across ideologies, parties and classes are made to sign a bond to walk out on a promise of good behavior. The pro Freedom leadership stands arrested and the Hurriyat office has just been repossessed by the state.
  • The Indian State is all powerful and cannot be resisted because it  has the gun and the power to arrest anybody under draconian laws. Like in Nazi Germany in the 30s and 40s, these are the semantics of total speech control, total thought control and ultimately total behavior control. And in some ways, it is much worse than the human rights violations committed in the past. Many of them were part of a civil war like struggle, and the people were expressing their will while fighting. Now the control over the  people is so absolute that this will has been crushed and with it their ability to resist.
  • On Indian media, there is daily force-feeding of a steady diet of lies presented to the world at large. Normalcy has returned to the Valley and Kashmiris are liking it, India says. To support this claim, it has hired smart propagandists, some even foreign, to paint the wrong picture of the situation. It has produced films like “The Kashmir Files,” which portray Kashmiris as blood- thirsty Islamist terrorists killing all others and especially non-Muslims in their way with the help of Pakistan. Most recently there was an article by a fellow of the American Enterprise Institute about the “new normalcy” in Kashmir, and how Kashmiris are enjoying their new path to peace and development and total integration with India. While researching his piece, he was housed by the Indian army in Srinagar, and his local guides were collaborators trained and funded by Indian agencies.
  • Meanwhile, all other journalists or visitors who might be able to report the truth are being kept out, and visas are no longer possible to obtain by any outsider planning to assess the real situation. Much of the Kashmiri diaspora has been silenced for fear of their relatives at home being harassed or arrested by the police. This happened to Danielle Khan who is working with me.
  • Just last week, my closest journalist friend from the Valley called me after having spent several days in detention for simply knowing me! It followed a new dossier that the JK Police and the Indian State produced against some of us because of our links to Pakistan. They labeled us Pakistan sponsored “handlers” of terrorists in the Valley and directing violence by militants. My friend used to run an online news portal which I helped edit. It was a vehicle for the young to write their hearts out about their resistance to India. Fortunately, he was released but he no longer believes that anybody outside is willing to come to the aid of Kashmiris. I have never heard him being so cynical.

All this is of course only Act 1 in a sordid play in which India sees itself hosting the tourism segment of the G20 meeting in Srinagar in its final act. And this is really why I am speaking to you here today. I am speaking to ask you to help us raise awareness about the real situation in the Valley and urge lawmakers to not agree to attend such an obscene event. It would be like listening to chamber music at Auschwitz, which was organized by the death camps for visitors to show that the camps were really labor camps where inmates continue to play music in their free time.

The G20 event will hopefully be a much-needed trigger for the diaspora to wake up again and get involved. To that end:

  • The diaspora must get the message out about the inhuman conditions under which Kashmiris are forced to live. They must talk about the total absence of civil and political rights of any kind, and the continued human rights violations if anybody dares to speak up or resist.
  • The US in particular cares about civil rights, much more than human rights. It is a language they understand from their own history. It is why our appeals to hold hearings about Kashmir succeeded in the fall of 2019. We must do it again and try at least.
  • Help us point out how the Kashmir dispute is still an international one, a recognized legal dispute involving Pakistan and the Kashmiri people. And that by attending an event which aims to prove that the dispute has been solved and normalcy has returned, guests would actually be taking side in this dispute in favor of India.
  • Help us point out how the event would make an already intolerable situation even worse. During past high-level events, Kashmiris were often shot on sight by trigger happy security forces tasked to stop anybody from roaming about. Of course the internet and phone service were always snapped for the duration. Weeks before the frisking began people were harassed both inside and outside their houses and their movements severely restricted.
  • Help us get the word out by writing to and calling lawmakers and others who matter and even plan protests wherever we can. However, protests only matter if attended by large crowds as they were in 2019 when Imran Khan spoke at the UN about Kashmir. Almost 50000 came out then and television stations and other media picked it up. Small protests do not work and make us look as though we have no support.
  • Organize seminars around only this issue so people can talk about Pakistan’s and the Kashmiris’ legal position in-depth and how the positions have not changed.  
  • Help us sustain an effective social media campaign once India has announced the date of the event. Tag lawmakers, the State Department, Human Rights Organizations, and Foreign Ministries of member states of the G20.
  • Write articles or opinion pieces against the event if you can.
  • Do anything except be silent. We can speak up, organize, mobilize, and demand truth and justice for IIOJK unlike Kashmiris who no longer have the opportunity to do so. They depend on us to be their voice.

And remember Milan Kundera’s words “The struggle of man against power is the struggle of memory against forgetting.” Let’s never forget the plight of the Kashmiris and how we can “never bury the past” or “move forward,” regardless of who suggests it! And no politician should ever say “we have learned our lesson” because too many Kashmiris have died and are still being taught lessons for their undying allegiance to Pakistan.

Thank you very much!

My Speech on the occasion of Kashmir Black Day at the Pakistani Consulate in NY in 2022


Good evening and As-Salaam-Alaikum. Thank you for inviting me to participate in this special event.

For once, I have actually prepared a speech because it is still very hard
for me to talk about many of the things I witnessed while living in Kashmir, and I would
like to remain focused. The memories never fade enough for me to become more
composed when I talk about them. In 2019, when I met Rep Sheila Jackson Lee, I broke
down while telling her about the Machil Fake Encounter. In 2008, I wrote this for a local
Kashmiri daily:
“I saw many of the villagers near starvation because they could not break through the
giant barricades erected around their entire district as part of a collective punishment for
speaking out. All the way home from Baramulla to Srinagar, while seeing new and even
higher barricades being erected and more and more people being rounded up on the
side of the highway, I wondered not only how I could rescue them all, but what might
happen to me if I wrote about what I saw and felt.”
Thank you for giving me the opportunity to speak about it here.
As a German, it is never easy to talk about Genocide. We grew up with images of piles
of bodies found in camps that had been liberated. Much later, I always wondered how
the genocides in Cambodia and Rwanda could have happened after the entire world
had said “never again.” Of course, nobody can ever really imagine the tragedy of
millions dying and often in relatively short time frames. And usually too much
deliberation goes into the mere management of crises to effectively prevent mass
killings anywhere and then to clearly define the meaning of genocide. That is why at
first I had problems using the term “genocide” when it comes to the crimes against
humanity committed in Kashmir. I had always thought it needed to be much more
massive in scale and more concentrated in execution to qualify. But then over the years
and with killings never stopping around me, I realized that genocide is also a process
that can happen in slow motion, and often spread over decades, or even longer. It can
also involve demographic changes not only through mass killings like during the Jammu
massacre of 1947 but also through ethnic flooding as is happening now in the Valley at
an accelerated pace. Therefore, I am now using the term genocide for Kashmir without
a moment’s hesitation. But again like with all genocides anywhere, it is very difficult to
fully envision numbers of the dead and disappeared in their totality. In Kashmir also,
while the statistics in the many reports prepared by Kashmiri civil society groups may
induce a sense of shock, it never quite hits anyone at the core. I have resolved that
tragedy is individual, and while statistics may be meaningful in history books, stories of
individual victims must be remembered and be told again and again for anybody to
really understand the cruelty of the murders. With that in mind, I would like to talk about
some of the killings I personally witnessed while in Kashmir, and also the circumstances
under which they died. And even after being publicized locally, NOTHING ever changed
and NOBODY has ever been brought to book.

Starting in early 2006 and into 2007, my first years in Kashmir, there were a series of
fake encounters which perhaps for the first time ever were investigated. There was
Abdul Rehman Padder, a carpenter from Ganderbal; Showkat Ahmed, a daily laborer
from Budgam, Ali Mohammad Padder, a carpenter from Kokernag, Nazir Ahmed Deka
and Ghulam Nabi Wani, both bakers from Ganderbal. All of them were exhumed for
identification and subsequently declared innocent. Police had picked them up, branded
them Pakistani terrorists, and killed them in fake encounters together with the army and
the CRPF. All the officers received hefty cash rewards and promotions. None was ever
put before a civilian court or prosecuted for murder anywhere. But it was the beginning
of Kashmiris becoming more vocal about crimes committed to them and openly
demanding justice.
In 2008, the massive crackdown following the uprising caused by the Amarnath Land
Row resulted in the death of at least 60 protesters and grave injuries to thousands who
had been unarmed and were protesting completely peacefully without a single stone in
their hand. The most prominent protester killed during the Muzaffarabad Chalo was
Sheikh Aziz, a Hurriyat leader, who was shot by security forces no more than 200 feet
from me. I still remember our panic over how to save his life. Of course the scene was
too chaotic to get him any medical help. Most of the other protesters were young boys
and villagers who were shot dead without ever having been a threat to anybody. Of
course the Indian media claimed that they had been Pakistani militants having infiltrated
into the crowd and shooting protesters themselves to create more chaos and anti-India
sentiment. During that time I spent most days taking journalists around in my own car
because I had a press curfew pass from a local daily and knew that security forces
would not harm a foreigner nor beat up the journalists with me. Much of that time we
drove severely injured protesters, including women and children, to emergency wards of
local hospitals. Among them were several Sumo drivers whose cars had been attacked
with petrol bombs by Hindutva fanatics on the Jammu Srinagar highway and who had
sustained life threatening burns all over their bodies. Many never made it out of the
hospitals. The brutality of the crackdown was the beginning of the Kashmir Intifada
which stretched all the way past 2016 following funerals of local rebels. It was also the
political awakening of an entire new generation of Kashmiris which was much angrier
and more uncompromising than their elders ever were.
In 2009, we woke up to news about the discovery of the bodies of Neelofar and Aasia
from Shopian in South Kashmir. Neelofar was 22 and Aasia 17. Both had been raped,
killed by security forces, and deposited at the banks of a nearly dry riverbed not far from
the local SOG camp. All hell broke loose when the news about their rape and murder
leaked. After the initial forensic investigation confirmed rape and murder of both the
girls, special forces policemen attached to the camp were arrested. A team of crisis
managers was then flown in from Delhi, and soon the entire sordid story was rewritten
by security agencies. The girls were exhumed and a revised forensic examination by a
doctor selected by the agencies claimed that neither of the girls was raped and that they
had drowned on their way home in the “rapids” of the river. When I took a journalist from

Delhi to the exact spot where the bodies had been found, he admitted that the water
level was so low that not even a small child could have drowned. But he insisted that it
could not have been rape because the security forces at the camp were Hindus and
Hindus did not rape. After all, he had once written a piece about how the gang rape of
Kunan Poshpara was nothing but a plot by Pakistani propagandists to turn locals
against the army and India. The protests that followed the murders of the girls were
mostly localized but severe enough that dozens of youths were gravely injured and
several died. It was the first time that hospitals were asked to connect the bodies of
dead protesters to life support machines so police did not have to report them as dead
all at the same time. This practice was perfected in 2010 where the death count was so
high that authorities wanted to release the news of killings incrementally.
2010 began with the cold-blooded killings of Whamid Farooq, a 13 year old boy who
was playing cricket near his and my house when a teargas shell fired from close range
broke his skull. Only two weeks later, a 16-year-old boy, Zahid Farooq, was standing at
the roadside talking to his friends after school when a BSF jeep stopped, one of the
soldiers got out and shot him in the head for no reason except perhaps target practice.
Because it happened right outside the CRPF headquarters, it was captured on camera
and the jeep was identified. While the soldier was transferred for “using excessive force
during crowd management,” he was never prosecuted for the barbaric act he had
committed.
Then in May of that year, the news of the Machil Fake Encounter broke. At first there
was an announcement by the army that three Pakistani infiltrators had been killed near
Machil in Kupwara district. But because the families of three boys who had disappeared
began inquiring about their whereabouts, the horrible truth soon became evident:
Shehzad Ahmad, Riyaz Ahmad, and Mohammed Shafi of Nadihal in Rafiabad, all still in
their late teens, had been lured by a local Territorial Army recruit to the army camp at
Machil near the LoC with the promise of a few days of labor for good pay. After the boys
were delivered to the commanding officer of the camp, they were shot in the faces,
dressed in militant attire, and quickly buried after some photos had been taken.
Because the families cried foul, the bodies were exhumed and identified as the local
boys who had gone missing. A few days earlier, the major commanding the camp had
received orders to be rotated out of Kashmir and wanted to earn one more monetary
award and promotion for killing militants before being transferred. While the army did
not deny what had happened, the case was not tried before a civilian court because of
the Armed Forces Special Powers Act. All of the culprits were released on bail from a
military jail after Modi assumed power. For me this was an earth-shattering event. I had
lived in the upper reaches of Rafiabad for a year to work with timber smugglers and
knew two of the three boys and their families very well. I never stopped pursuing the
prosecution of the killers wherever and whenever I could until I was forced to leave
Kashmir.

This gruesome fake encounter and the subsequent killing of a teenager, Tufail Mattoo,
who was on his way home from tuition when a teargas shell almost decapitated him,
were the triggers for the 2010 uprising where more than 140 boys died while protesting
for justice and against the Indian occupation. It was also when we lived through a 4-
month-long continuous curfew that was so severe that anybody attempting to break
through it was shot on sight. Every evening during that time we did nothing but count
the dead.
Following 2010, protests became routine, especially after prayers on Fridays. Scores of
young boys were arrested on a regular basis and only set free after their families paid
huge bribes to the police. Many of the young boys were tortured and humiliated while in
custody. This was also the time when many local young boys began joining rebel
groups because of the treatment they had received while in custody. Much of this was
inspired by Burhan Wani and his group who reminded people that armed resistance
against a brutal occupation was not only sanctioned by the UN Charter but also one
way to fight back after all political initiatives had failed. All of them are dead now. When
Manan Wani was killed, we cried for days. He was our philosopher rebel who had told
the youth that they did not need to pick up a gun but could also pick up a pen as long as
they resisted in some way. He like Burhan had never even fired his gun before being
killed.
Why all this detail, you may ask? Because I think it is so important to go beyond
statistics and remember individual victims who have been killed under the most brutal
circumstances and stand to be forgotten while we mostly focus on their leaders. They
died for the cause of liberation and have to be remembered by us all. They died without
any fault of their own, and because India does not consider Kashmiris human beings
worth protecting. In Kashmir, graves are full of not only unidentified bodies but of those
many of us have known and cared about and will always miss. As Milan Kundera wrote
in The Unbearable Lightness of Being “The struggle of man against power is often the
struggle of memory against forgetting.”
If I may, I would like to conclude this with part of another piece I had written at that time:
“Yesterday, I was sitting near the river under the darkest of curfews, listening to the
wailing voices of funeral singers and distant gun shots, mourning the deaths of boys I
have never known and will never be able to befriend, and longing to sit at the lake again
in the darkness of night where truth can be so easily hidden from someone’s view. The
sky was laden with dark clouds, and rain was falling on the graveyards of the old city
where the dead were being buried. Yesterday, it seemed the sky over Kashmir would
never clear again, and light and sunshine had now permanently vanished from my
portrait of the Valley.
I thought of the people I have met, the respect I have for those who have been
struggling against darkness for so long, the families who have been reduced to tears,
and the complete powerlessness one feels in the face of unstoppable human tragedy. I

wanted to reach out and say to people to please still believe in the faint illusion of
justice, fairness and the triumph of the human spirit. I wanted to assure them that
people did not die in vain. I wanted someone to tell me that the sadness and anger I felt
would fade, making it possible to see bright light again in a place that so often seems to
plunge into permanent darkness. But most of all, I wanted to tell people that I had now
become a Kashmiri, regardless of how unbearable it may be at times, and that their
reality had very much become my own, even if I might never be able to fully
comprehend the full range of its dark colors and hues. “
Thank you for listening.

IPRI Speech February 8, 2021

Thank you for asking me to participate in this event. I apologize for the camera on my
computer not working and the other technical difficulties with my sound.

When you first asked me to participate in this program, I hesitated because I felt all of
us must focus on the political solution, and both human and civil rights, rather than
anything else, and especially not development which has become such a bad word for
most locals. But then I thought about all those years working on sustainable
development throughout the Valley, and how dealing with the authorities and
security forces represented just another dimension of disempowerment and
humiliation for everybody trying to do something. Anything! And in that sense, it
fits most other topics we have been covering lately. Moreover, there is also the need to talk more about the real facts on the ground while India has made “development” and good governance in Kashmir part of its
extensive disinformation campaign in the rest of the world. Just recently, I saw a
glossy brochure the Indian Ministry of External Affairs is planning to disseminate
to member states of the UN. It is a fictional depiction of a Shangri La type of
Kashmir which in actuality has probably not looked as neglected as it does now
since the worst years of the Dogra regime. This is quite different from when I was
there when we had some breaks in between the horror and when people were still
dreaming of some sort of a future. Now they have simply given up, and it
sometimes feels like the Valley of the Walking Dead.
For me development has never meant large industries, big hotels, huge infrastructure
building, or employment of youth that requires displacement from the rural areas, unless
in search of opportunities that might match their higher education if they were privileged
enough to obtain it. This is of course what India is now telling the world it will bring
about. Much of what I can talk about is as always personal experiences while working
on small scale community-based development funded by the UNDP for that very
purpose. This included horticulture, Agri Forestry, and rural tourism development. And
since the funds were disbursed by the State Government, I had my share of battles with
MLAs and Ministers of every political hue and of course bureaucrats who are anything
but facilitators. When I was there, J & K twice made it to the very top as the most
corrupt state in India.
My first project, one out of six, took me to North Kashmir, where I lived for a year in the
upper reaches of Rafiabad which is halfway between Uri and Handwara. No internet,
mobile phone connection except on some hill tops, and of course no roads. Healthcare
nonexistent with the closest small hospital two hours away in Baramulla. I stayed with a
family of ten and no sanitation and electricity except perhaps for one hour here and
there and most certainly not every day. I worked with 60 villages throughout the belt,
most of which had never been electrified, and where life had not really changed much
for hundreds of years. What had changed, though, was the villagers’ awareness of
government entitlements, often promised by local politicians during election campaigns.
Much of it never came except in rare cases, and then often just before one elected
politician was replaced by another without never having implemented anything
promised. Development initiatives never seemed to get out of the Detailed Project
Report preparation stage in Kashmir. It took bureaucrats years to prepare one at the
request of a local MLA or Minister, only to have it shelved after being asked to prepare
another by the next leader. If it had been sanctioned it went into a black hole of project
funding, later to be disbursed as salaries or some such to those in the department that
had been put in charge.
I also prepared detailed project reports. But I was not only responsible for getting the
projects funded but also to have everything implemented and documented in utilization
reports to be filed with the UNDP. And that after struggling for months to have the
funding released by state government officials. This took endless journeys from district
collectors, to directors of the departments, to their accounting staffs, to the infamous
Commissioner Secretaries, who were rarely Kashmiri Muslims and literally hated me for
working so comfortably with communities they so clearly despised. All of it could take
more than a year and sometimes more with the Durbar Move delaying everything for an
additional six months while all files were travelling back and forth on the Srinagar
Jammu highway between the summer and winter capitals. That is of course another
relic from the Dogra years and their wish to spend the cold winters somewhere else
besides the freezing Valley.
These are all standard operating procedures for Kashmiris working on anything
involving the government and of course anything requiring a permit or a mere signature
for anything. While much of this is probably common in much of the region, what adds
to the extreme frustration in Kashmir is the involvement of security forces and
intelligence agencies every step of the way. While on my way to launch a project
brochure in the upper reaches of Rafiabad, I was arrested on the Srinagar Baramulla
highway and put under subsequent house arrest, one of many to come. This with the
excuse that some “chatter’ had been intercepted that I was going to be killed by
terrorists later that day. I was being arrested for my own protection, they said. Since I
immediately informed the local media, the police then claimed they had actually stopped
me from leading an election boycott rally on behalf of so called anti-national elements. I
was not. This was followed by two weeks of closely watched house arrest and daily
interrogations by the CID. My project was then completely stopped when the newly
elected MLA of Rafiabad was trying to get access to the project funding to be spent on a
part of Rafiabad that had voted overwhelmingly for him. Similarly, a bit later in Lolab and
accompanied by a senior tourism official to scout out some areas for potential tourism
development near Kalaruss, I was intercepted by the Indian army, my camera was
confiscated, and I was ordered to leave the area immediately. Earlier in Rafiabad an
entire foreign trekking group I had brought as part of my project had been arrested by
the army, claiming they were in a restricted area which they were not. I had to move hell
and high water to get my guides released from custody. I found out later that both was
reported as my having tried to cross the LoC to meet my Pakistani handler, a General
Mustafa whose name was made up! If it weren’t so sad it would almost be funny.
Why am I telling all of this in such detail? Because this of course happens to Kashmiris
day in and day out while dealing with every level of government, regardless of whether it
is just a Sarpanch or block level worker or anybody else all the way up to district and
state officials. And nothing gets ever done. Add to it the endless curfews during which
all comes to a standstill, the internet and phone interruptions, the winters when not
much of anything is done because of the weather and absence of all officials in charge,
and now of course and worst of all the place having become a huge ghetto where
nobody dares to venture out for fear of uttering one wrong word that may lead to instant
arrests or disappearances.
Then the new DDC elections that just happened which in my view will only empower an
entirely new cadre of the incompetent and corrupt, but this time directly selected by
Delhi and often backed by the army. They will now oversee most block level funding
and more than likely only approve works for their kin or those who supported them
during the election process. None of these will have any political powers and thus will
not be able to represent the sentiments of the people in any way. This is in sharp
contrast to former elected state politicians who at times at least acted as a buffer
between the security forces and the people. And that is in no way defending how much
they betrayed the people politically. But now there is literally nobody to go to with real
grievances.
This winter has been the coldest and snowiest in decades in Kashmir. It has also been
the one with reportedly the worst governance ever while people were trying to deal with
the fallout of the extreme weather conditions. There was nobody to contact in an
emergency in remoter areas except perhaps the army, which is of course what is being
hoped by India. Then desperation will be hailed as people appreciating the Sadbhavna
program and reaching out to the benevolent forces!
Last but not least here is part of my response to lies by the Indian Ambassador in the
US published in the NYT right after the illegal annexation of Kashmir when he claimed it
was done for “good governance, to speed up development, and take J & K out of the
dark ages….” And things of course went only from bad to worse instead!
(1)The J & K Right to Information Act was much stronger than the Indian law now in
force which has been watered down again and again since 2014; in fact, RTI was used
in Kashmir more than anywhere else and there was an influential civil society RTI
Movement educating locals about this right;
(2) Women could very much participate in Panchayat elections, and if needed I can
provide a list of names of some who won in 2011, including one Kashmiri Hindu panch
at Tangmarg;
(3) The inheritance provisions contained in Art 35 A and prohibiting women who married
an outsider from claiming their inheritance were struck down by the J & K High Court
years ago and were already no longer valid;
(4)Economically J & K had always been much better off than most states in India,
including and especially Gujarat;
(5) All important socio economic indicators have always been much better in Kashmir,
including nutrition, health and education and especially for women and children;
(6); J & K never experienced the kind of poverty levels India experiences because of
Sheikh Abdullah’s land reforms. They were revolutionary at the time and made it
possible for every Kashmiri to own land (land to the tiller) and prohibited large
landholdings to remain in the hands of the rich and privileged; no Kashmiri will ever be
homeless unlike the poor in India. Mind you, I am no fan of Sheikh Abdullah and I
think this is the only good thing he ever did for Kashmiris.
(7) Funds appropriated by India for “the development of Kashmir” have always been
utilized primarily for paying the salaries of government employees, the number of which
is ridiculously high. Among other things, Delhi always felt providing and funding
government employment would create loyalties to the Indian state and never
discouraged it!
(8) According to his statement, there will be an additional 50,000 state government jobs
added to an already hopelessly bloated bureaucracy!!! This will drain “development
funds” even further.”
(9) The communications blackout was not lifted at all as he claimed then. Landlines
were restored in many areas, but the saturation of landlines has been poor for a long
time. Many people disconnected their lines and switched to mobile telephony long ago;
now of course all internet has finally been restored as a result of the Biden
Administration coming in and many expressing outrage over the farmers’ protests and
the internet cuts near Delhi. At least this is what most of us believe.
(10) There were always thousands of low caste migrant workers from India in Kashmir.
All of them said they were paid higher daily wages and treated better than in India. Add
to that hordes of beggars from India having created a begging mafia in the Valley and
not wanting to leave! Now of course they may all qualify to become permanent settlers!
(11) There were several “investment conferences” in the past like the one planned for
this coming summer. Nothing ever came out of it, despite companies being able to
lease land for 99 years the terms of which were renewable (The Taj and other hotels
built properties that way in Kashmir); the main problems for investors is the
overwhelming presence of security forces, no all-weather road communication and the
dismal power situation which is not only a function of poor management, discriminatory
policies, most of the power generated being added to the Northern Power Grid of India,
but also the water levels getting lower and lower during winters because of climate
change. Also nobody will ever want to invest in a place where one will be considered
part of an occupation! Development will thus be mostly the building of colonies for
outsiders, including the dreaded Sainik Colonies
(12) The armed rebellion has nothing at all to do with economic/ job issues. In fact, most
of the “New Age Militants” since 2016 have been from well-to-do families, and some left
jobs as teachers/ lecturers to fight for the cause. Armed rebels join primarily because
they have been abused by security forces and/ or because they demand secession from
India. Not because they have nothing to do!

From reports on the ground, I do not see any of the dismal governance I have described
improving any time soon, if ever. If nothing else, it has gotten worse with people having
given up on having any of their problems addressed and no longer even trying to reach
out. Now in addition to local administrators who do not care or are incompetent,
Kashmir will have more nonlocal bureaucrats coming in and especially in top positions.
They will neither understand any of the local needs nor care about the people whom
they would like to see permanently caged without ever voicing any demands. No
brochure handed out by Indian diplomats will ever reflect local realities. It is up to
us to continuously point them out. The disinformation campaign is alive and well.
And one last point: I had the privilege to visit AJK last August and must say the
difference between the regions could not be more pronounced. Ever since that
I have become quite militant with anybody claiming that Azad Kashmir is occupied.
It is most definitely not. Thank you.

My old work with tribals in Assam (along the Stilwell Road)

Wating for the Dawn

Reprinted with Permission of author Subhalakshmi Gogoi (Sentinel Assam)

A swollen river. A ramshackle boat. A frail boatman. Dare to cross the river? The wise will call it foolhardy. But, for the villagers of Phaneng, a hamlet situated in the easternmost corner of Upper Assam and 124 kms away from Dibrugarh, this river is a part of their daily routine. The only way to reach the National Highway-37 is by crossing the Tirap river. The ferocity of the river in monsoons does not daunt them, as they have no other choice.

Cocooned in verdant greenery, Phaneng stands unspoiled and pristine on the banks of the river Tirap. The Buddha Vihara that stands at the entrance of the village gives a touch of spirituality to the serenity, which reigns the place. Most of the houses stand on stilts. Almost every house has huge gardens of areca nuts, palms, fruit trees and bamboos. Every household seems self-sufficient. The peace that reigns in the village is a welcome change from the hustle and bustle of the city life. They are blessedly untouched by the madness of today’s modern world.

The story behind how the village got its name makes an interesting history. When the first person, Aiong Khow Pomung came to settle in a place from Pomung, nine miles north of Margherita in 1950, the Tirap river could be seen from afar flowing down the Dehing-Patkai. The river water appeared like a red wall, red because of the mud that it carries during monsoons. So, the village came to be known as ‘Pha-neng’, ‘pha’ meaning ‘sharp incline’ and ‘neng’ meaning ‘red’. Thus, the name means an ‘inclined red wall’ in Tai-Phake.

The silence that prevails over the place, and which is broken by the cries of birds and animals only, hides in its fold many problems. The people of Phaneng do not enjoy the basic amenities, which their counterparts in the city have, like electricity, water supply, education, health and proper communication. The village has a population of around 175 families, out of which 23 belong to the Tai-Phake community, and the others are a composition of Ahoms, Kacharis and Nepalis.

A well, near Buddha Vihar, is the only source of safe potable water for the villagers. Hand pumps are few; boring a hole into the ground poses a problem, since the village is in a hilly area. It is also an expensive affair. Besides, the underground water level is very low. To top it all, the water pumped is rich in iron content. The river water is clear in winter, but once the rains come, the water turns muddy. So, the villagers head for the river, when the water level is low only to bathe and wash clothes. Health facilities in the village are non-existent; there is neither any health-care centre nor any qualified health workers to even cater to the simple ailment of a villager. The nearest place that patients from the village can hope to find a doctor or trained personnel is in Lekhapani, 13 kms away. The journey for a seriously ill patient of Phaneng can hardly be put in words. For, Phaneng has no roads.

The public works departments is in deep slumber. During monsoons, footwear adorns the hands of people. For a person, who is not used to walking on slippery and muddy roads, walking on the tricky tracks is no less an ordeal. The village is accessible by vehicles only during winter, when the river water recedes and the water level drops. On reaching the village, a portion of the stretch is gravel-strewn, thanks to the efforts of an NGO. After crossing the Tirap river, people have to navigate a small rivulet that has made a deep gorge. A fragile bamboo bridge connects the two sides of the rivulet, which clearly shows that it might give way at any moment. Even to cross the Tirap river, there is just a worn out boat. Ferry service is absent.

The village has had no supply of electricity for more than 10 years. The tall iron pillars are the reminders of the period when the village briefly enjoyed the facility. The transformer was put in a nearby village — Kengya, but soon, enough hooking and theft of electricity put an end to the story. Once the sun sets, people light their kerosene lamps. The households that have televisions use batteries to run their sets.

The village has only a primary school set up in 1952 and provincialized in 1956. The school has just two teachers. The present strength of children is 65. After the launching of the Sarbasiksha Abhijan, a centre has been set up in the village. But the children, after doing their primary schooling, either have to face up the daily ordeal of crossing the Tirap river and go to Ledo, 22 km away or to Jagun a few kms away for further studies. Those who can afford, they put their children in boarding schools. The number of graduates in the village stands at single digit. Most of the youth, after completing their schooling, get into subsistence farming.

The villagers are mainly cultivators. They grow sali rice and mustard. But slowly, few of them are venturing into tea cultivation and organic fruit growing. Women in the village supplement the family income by weaving clothes in their looms. The Tai-Phakes, in the village, wear their traditional dress — girls wear a wrap-around skirt with shirts and a long diagonally folded cloth across the shoulder, married women wrap colourful rihas round their chests, indicating there marital status, and the men wear lungis. The Tai-Phake women use natural dyes to colour muga threads; yellow and purple colours predominate their skirts.

The villagers have no expectations from the government. Over the years, they have just been neglected by the system. However, the fact that the island had remained cut off from the mainstream for so long seems to have worked to their advantage, if the recent developments are to be taken into account.

The village has recently been developed into an eco-tourist destination as part of the Joint Forest Management (JFM) livelihood program being undertaken by the Department of Forest, Assam — an integral aspect of which is the participatory involvement of the community at the grassroots level. In 2005, plans were drawn and estimates finalized for putting the required infrastructure of a model eco-tourist village into place. The work was finished in December of that year and the village was able to receive the first batch of tourists by January of 2006 for the Dehing-Patkai Festival. Carin Jodha Fischer, co-ordinator and advisor for the eco-tourism sector of the JFM, was all praise for the unstinting support she received from the department. Carin hopes that she will be able to shield the village from the spoils of unsustainable development by providing alternative employment avenues for the people through community based eco tourism.

Carin Jodha Fischer quotes a boy whom she met at a meeting that she had with the heads of the tribes and the officials at Lekhapani:

“Earlier, our only thought was how to leave this place for greener pastures. But now, we have realized the uniqueness of our place. We no longer think of leaving, thanks to you.” Carin Jodha Fischer was moved by the boy’s remark. Somewhere high above, the spirit of Aiong Khow Pomung must be smiling.